Jumat, 21 November 2014

LANGUAGE CHANGE


CHAPTER II
DISCUSSION

A.      Definition of Language Change

Language change is the phenomenon by which permanent alterations are made in the features and the use of a language over time.[1]
    According to Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia, language change is variation over time in a language's phonetic, morphological, semantic, syntactic, and other features.[2]
 There are many factors influencing the rate at which language changes, including the attitudes of the speakers toward borrowing and change. When most members of a speech community value novelty, for example, their language will change more quickly. When most members of a speech community value stability, then their language will change more slowly.
 The distribution of regional language features may be viewed as the result of language change through geographical space over time. A change is initiated at one locale at a given point in time and spreads outward from that point in progressive stages so that earlier changes reach the outlying areas later. All natural languages change, and language change affects all areas of language use.
B.     Causes of Language Change
1.      Economy: Speakers tend to make their utterances as efficient and effective as possible to reach communicative goals. Purposeful speaking therefore involves a trade-off of costs and benefits.
a.       The principle of least effort: Speakers especially use economy in their articulation, which tends to result in phonetic reduction of speech forms. See vowel reduction, cluster reduction, lenition, and elision. After some time a change may become widely accepted (it becomes a regular sound change) and may end up treated as a standard. For instance: going to [ˈɡoʊ.ɪŋ.tʊ]gonna [ˈɡɔnə] or [ˈɡʌnə], with examples of both vowel reduction [ʊ] → [ə] and elision [nt] → [n], [oʊ.ɪ] → [ʌ].
2.      Analogy: reducing word forms by likening different forms of the word to the root.
3.      Language contact: borrowing of words and constructions from foreign languages.
5.      Cultural environment: Groups of speakers will reflect new places, situations, and objects in their language, whether they encounter different people there or not.
6.      Migration/Movement: Speakers will change and create languages, such as pidgins and creoles.

C.    Types of language change

1.      Lexical changes
The study of lexical changes forms the diachronic portion of the science of onomasiology. The ongoing influx of new words in the English language (for example) helps make it a rich field for investigation into language change, despite the difficulty of defining precisely and accurately the vocabulary available to speakers of English. Throughout its history English has not only borrowed words from other languages but has re-combined and recycled them to create new meanings, whilst losing some old words.[3]
Dictionary-writers try to keep track of the changes in languages by recording (and, ideally, dating) the appearance in a language of new words, or of new usages for existing words. By the same token, they may tag some words as "archaic" or "obsolete".

2.      Phonetic and phonological changes
The concept of sound change covers both phonetic and phonological developments. The sociolinguist William Labov recorded the change in pronunciation in a relatively short period in the American resort of Martha's Vineyard and showed how this resulted from social tensions and processes. Even in the relatively short time that broadcast media have recorded their work, one can observe the difference between the pronunciation of the newsreaders of the 1940s and the 1950s and the pronunciation of today. The greater acceptance and fashionability of regional accents in media may also reflect a more democratic, less formal society-compare the widespread adoption of language policies.
The mapping and recording of small-scale phonological changes poses difficulties, especially as the practical technology of sound recording dates only from the 19th century. Written texts provide the main (indirect) evidence of how language sounds have changed over the centuries . But note Ferdinand de Saussure's work on postulating the existence and disappearance of laryngeals in Proto-Indo-European as an example of other methods of detecting/reconstructing sound-changes within historical linguistics.

3.      Spelling changes
Standardisation of spelling originated relatively recently. Differences in spelling often catch the eye of a reader of a text from a previous century. The pre-print era had fewer literate people: languages lacked fixed systems of orthography, and the handwritten manuscripts that survive often show words spelled according to regional pronunciation and to personal preference.
In spite of the changes in the pronunciation of English since the close of the sixteenth century, the spelling has altered little. Middle English spelling was phonetically defective; but, still, every writer tried to make it represent his own pronunciation. The result was a varying orthography. This continued into the modern English period, with additional variations caused by attempts at etymological spelling. In the early years of the seventeenth century, the same volume, sometimes the same page, has such differences as the following: beene, bene, bin; detter, debter; guests, ghests; yles, isles; vitaile, victuals; hautie, haughtie; he, hee; least, lest. But it began to be felt more convenient to keep one spelling for a word; and, by the end of the eighteenth century, our orthographical system was practically in its present shape. Early in that century, Robinson Crusoe has surprize, lyon, tyger, cloaths, taylor. Fifty years later, controul, publick, dutchy, cryer, interiour occur in Burke’s Present Discontents. Johnson spent much time and trouble in adjusting what he calls our “unsettled and fortuitous” orthography; but he confesses that he was often obliged “to sacrifice uniformity to custom”: to write convey and inveigh, deceit and receipt, fancy and phantom. An examination of his Dictionary will show that he successfully anticipated the orthography that triumphed, or, perhaps, his way commended itself to writers and printers; for, with a few exceptions like chymist, domestick, dutchess, translatour, his spellings are ours.
  Modern spelling is marked by two features; fixity (such diversities as judgment by the side of judgement notwithstanding), and an almost entire dissociation from the spoken language. Phonetic representations like bet, fin, hop, put, are few. On the whole, we spell by the eye, not by the ear. The ear helps little in a language where one sign may represent several sounds, as ch in which, chemistry, machine; and i in pick, pike, pique; or where one sound may be represented by a variety of signs, as in go, oath, stone, dough, sow, sew; and in call, keen, deck, chaos, quoit.
  Though a fixed orthography has not generally checked phonetic change, the spelling has, in certain instances, helped to restore an older pronunciation, as noted before in regard to oi and h. So, too, in words like backward, forward, Edward, where, in the seventeenth century, the w sound was regularly dropped. The n sound is now generally heard in kiln, where it became mute in early modern English. A number of words had letters inserted, rightly or wrongly, as a clue to the etymology. In some of these, the insertion has not affected the pronunciation, as b in doubt; c in scent, victuals; g in foreign; l in salmon; s in island. In others, the letter has gradually come to be pronounced, as c in perfect, verdict; th (for t) in apothecary, anthem; l in fault, vault, falcon, solder. The struggle of perfet to keep its ground against perfect is visible in Milton’s poems, where perfect and imperfect occur thirty-four times, twenty-two of them without c. His Areopagitica has perfeted and autority. Fault was pronounced without the l sound till into the eighteenth century. Pope rimes it with ought, thought; Dr. Johnson says, “The l is sometimes sounded, sometimes mute. In conversation it is generally suppressed”; and Goldsmith writes,
       
Yet he was kind, or, if severe in aught,
The love he bore to learning was in fault.
At the present day, solder and falcon, may be pronounced with or without l; while falconry and falconer have no l sound.
  Finally, three of the eccentricities of English spelling and pronunciation may be mentioned. Originally, the noun ache differed in spelling and in pronunciation from the verb ake, as speech from speak. About 1700, however, the noun began to be confused in pronunciation with the verb, and then in spelling. Dr. Johnson registers both forms but makes no distinction. He derives the word—wrongly—from Greek, and, consequently prefers ache. For both words we now have the spelling of the noun and the pronounciation of the verb. The old pronunciation of the noun lingered as a stage tradition into the nineteenth century, which explains the saying of the O.P. rioters (1809), “John Kemble’s head aitches,” where they gave the verb the sound of the noun. Evidently, Thackeray considered this pronunciation sufficiently well known to his readers in 1849–50, for he writes—perhaps imitating Shakespeare’s pun in Much Ado
… Lady Brouncker; who was a druggist’s daughter, or some such thing, and as Tom Wag remarked of her, never wanted medicine certainly, for she never had an h in her life. (Pendennis, chap. VII.)
Bowl, a vessel, and bowl, a ball, are now spelled and pronounced alike. Originally different, they continued distinct into the eighteenth century. Later, the pronunciation of the former word and the spelling of the latter came to be adopted for both. Colonel, with the first l sounded as l, was trisyllabic in the early part of the seventeenth century, as in Milton’s
       
Captain or Colonel or Knight in Arms.
Soon after the restoration it became disyllabic. “It is now,” says Dr. Johnson, “generally sounded with only two distinct syllables, col’nel.” But another form coronel had lived in popular usage; and, in the nineteenth century, while the spelling with l remained, the pronunciation with r was adopted.[4]


4.      Semantic changes
Semantic changes are shifts in meaning of the existing words. They include:
a)      Pejoration, in which a term acquires a negative association
b)      Amelioration, in which a term acquires a positive association
c)      Widening, in which a term acquires a broader meaning
d)     Narrowing, in which a term acquires a narrower meaning
The appearance of a new word marks only the beginning of its existence. Once generally adopted as part of the language, the meanings and applications it has for speakers can shift dramatically, to the point of causing misunderstandings. For example, "villain" once meant a peasant or farmhand, but has come to imply a criminal individual in modern English. This exemplifies a word that has undergone , which means that a negative association has become attached to it. Conversely, other words have undergone where a more positive meaning prevails. Thus, the word 'wicked' (generally meaning 'evil'), as of 2009 means 'brilliant' in slang or in a colloquial context.
Other ways of semantic change include narrowing and broadening. Narrowing a word semantically limits its alternative meanings. For example the word "girl" once meant 'a young child' and "hound" (Old English hund) referred to any dog, whereas in modern English it demotes a particular type of canid. Examples of words that have been broadened semantically include "dog" (which once referred to a particular breed).
5.      Syntactic change
Syntactic change is the evolution of the syntactic structure of a natural language. Over time, syntactic change is the greatest modifier of a particular language. Massive changes may occur both in syntax and vocabulary and are attributable to either creolization or relexification.

6.      Vocabulary Change
Many words that existed in Old English did not survive into Modern English. There are also many words in Modern English that bear little or no resemblance in meaning to their Old English etymons. Some linguists estimate that as much as 80 percent of the lexicon of Old English was lost by the end of the Middle English period, including a large number of words formed by compounding, e.g. bōchūs ('bookhouse', 'library'), yet we still retain the component parts 'book' and 'house'. Certain categories of words seem to have been especially vulnerable. Nearly all words relating to sexual intercourse and sexual organs were supplanted by words of Latin or Ancient Greek origin. Many, if not most, of the words in Modern English that are used in polite conversation to describe body parts and bodily functions are of Latin or Greek origin. The words which were used in Old English for these same purposes are now mostly either extinct or considered crude or vulgar, such as arse/ass.
Some words became extinct while other near-synonyms of Old English origin replaced them ('limb' survives, yet lið is gone or survives dialectally as lith). Many of these linguistic changes were brought on by the introduction of Old Norse and Norman French words, while others fell away due to the natural processes of language evolution.
Animals
Modern English has no Germanic words left that mean 'animal' in its most generic sense of 'non-human creature'. Old English dēor, gesceaft, gesceap, nēat and iht were all eclipsed by 'animal', 'beast', 'creature' and 'critter', all of which are of Latin origin.
1.      āðexe: 'lizard'. Lizard appeared in Middle English and is from Old French lesarde, from Latin lacertus. The earliest occurrence of the word (spelled lusarde) is in the poem Piers Plowman (written about 1360–1399). Old English āðexe does survive as ask ('newt', 'eft', 'lizard'): cf. German Eidechse, Dutch hagedis.
2.      ælepūte: 'burbot'. The Old French word borbote had replaced ælepūte by the Middle English period. 'Burbot' first occurred in English around 1475. The word's modern descendant, 'eelpout', is occasionally used for the burbot, although that term has come to define a different animal.
3.      cawelwyrm: 'caterpillar (see lēafwyrm).
4.      culfre: 'dove', 'pigeon' has survived as the rare/dialectal 'culver', a word the AHD believes comes from Vulgar Latin colombula.[1] The OED acknowledges this possibility, but asserts that it is more likely native. 'Culver' is first attested in English in around 825 and 'dove' in around 1200. The Middle English dove is thought to come from Old English, but the assumed form (*dūfe) is unattested, cf. dūfedoppa below. It is most likely to have been common Germanic.[3]
5.      dēor: 'animal', 'beast'. Dēor is the etymon of English 'deer', although dēor as 'deer' as early as around 893 by Alfred the Great. At some point in the Middle English period the more specific meaning of 'deer' became common, with the original meaning becoming lost by the end of the period. Compare German Tier, Dutch dier, Swedish djur, Danish and Norwegian dyr, Icelandic dýr.
6.      dūfedoppa: 'pelican'. The term pelican appeared in Middle English and is ultimately from Ancient Greek.[1]
7.      ened: 'duck', 'drake'. 'Drake' first appeared in around 1300 and ened then disappeared. The AHD says the origin is unknown.[1] Old High German antrahho seems to be a combination of ant (cognate of Old English ened) and trahho (cognate of drake), but the OED holds that the conjectured cognate in Old English (unattested *andrake) "has no basis of fact". The word ened likely has a PIE origin, compare Latin anas, Lithuanian antis and Old Greek nēssa ('duck'). 'Duck' is from an anattested Old English word *duce, presumably from the verb ducan ('duck', 'dive'). Compare with the German Ente, Dutch eend, Common Scandinavian and.
8.      fifalde: 'butterfly'. Old English had the word butorflēoge as early as 1000 and this term (of dubious origin, although the ultimately Greek word "butter" is certainly the first element)[1] eventually pushed out the entirely Germanic fifalde. Compare with Old High German fîfaltarâ, German Falter, Old Saxon vivoldara, Southern Dutch vijfwouter, Old Norse fifrildi, Icelandic fiðrildi, Swedish fjäril, as well as Latin papilio.
9.      firgenbucca: 'ibex'. 'Ibex' is from Latin ibex[1] which first appeared as ibecks in Edward Topsell's "The historie of foure-footed beastes" (1607). The word comes from firgen ('wooded height', 'mountain'), compare with Gothic fairguni ('mountain'), Old High German Fergunna ('Ore Mountains') and bucca, 'buck'). Compare with modern German Steinbock, Dutch (alpen) steenbok ('ibex').
10.  gesceaft, gesceap: 'creature'. Gesceap, the etymon of English 'shape', is documented as far back as around 1050. It had many meanings in Old English: 'creature', 'creation', 'structure', 'form', 'figure', 'configuration', 'pudendum', 'decree' and 'destiny'. 'Creature', ultimately from Latin, first entered English in around 1300 and actually pre-dates the modern word 'create'.[1] Gesceaft ('creation', 'origin', 'constitution', 'nature', 'species') has the same etymological root as gesceap. It is documented as early as 888 and occurs with this meaning in various forms as late as around 1579, as schaft.
11.  hacod: 'mullet'. The OED lists hacod/haked as a dialectal name for a large pike and has a citation as late as 1847, but this word is not listed in any modern dictionary. 'Mullet' appeared in Middle English and it ultimately comes from Ancient Greek.[1] The term is probably related to haca ('hook'). Compare with modern English hake, Dutch heek ('hake'), German Hechte ('esox').
12.  hæferblæte: 'bittern'. 'Bittern' entered Middle English as botor and comes from the Old French butor. It is attested in English in around 1000.
13.  higera: 'jay'. The word jai appeared in Middle English in around 1310 and is from Old French. The AHD states that it is possibly from the Latin praenomen Gaius, but gives no possible reason for the semantic change.[1] The OED does not address the Gaius theory, only stating that it cannot be identified with Old French gai ('gay').[1] It instead acknowledges, but does not comment on the possibility, that it is from Old High German gâhi ('swift', 'quick', 'lively'). Compare with German Häher.
14.  hwilpe: 'curlew'. The Middle English form curleu comes from Old French courlieu, which is possibly of onomatopoeic origin.[1] The OED also believes that it is probably onomatopoeic, but notes that its became assimilated to that of courlieu, curleu ('courier'), which is ultimately from Latin currere ('to run').
15.  iht: 'creature'. (See gesceap.)
16.  lēafwyrm: 'caterpillar', literally 'leaf-worm', 'leaf insect'. Webster's Dictionary (1897) lists 'leaf-worm' as "a caterpillar that devours leaves", but no modern dictionaries list this word. The cawel in cawelwyrm was a loan from Latin caulis ('cabbage') and the last recorded use of it was around 1000, as cawelwurm. Mælsceafa ('caterpillar') is attested as far back as Old English (around 1000 in the writings of Ælfric) and as late as 1398, as malshaue. Mæl (meaning roughly 'meal' as in 'mealworm') is attested only in the compound mælsceafa, but it has many well-documented cognates in other Germanic languages, such as Old Icelandic and Swedish. The second component shares its root with 'shave'. The ultimately Latin-derived caterpillar first appeared in English around 1440 as catyrpel.[1]
17.  mælsceafa: 'caterpillar'. (See lēafwyrm.)
18.  mereswīn: 'dolphin', 'porpoise', literally 'sea-swine'. It is attested in Bald's Leechbook from the 10th century. The OED does not list 'mereswine' as archaic or obsolete, but the last citation given is by Frank Charles Bowen in his Sea Slang: a Dictionary of the Old-timers' Expressions and Epithets (1929). The OED lists sea-swine ('porpoise') (the last citation being for 1884) as "obsolete except dialectic". Dolphin entered English in the 12th century: it is ultimately from Ancient Greek.[1] Compare with German Schweinswal ('porpoise', literally 'pig's whale').
19.  mūshāfoc: 'buzzard', literally 'mouse hawk'. It is not clear which bird of prey this word referred to. The OED lists multiple meanings for 'mouse hawk', (Short-eared Owl, Hen Harrier and Rough-legged Buzzard), but 'mouse hawk' is an alternate name, not the prevailing name. The Middle English word busard first entered the language in around 1300 and it comes ultimately from Latin būtēo.[1]
20.  scræb: 'cormorant'. Cormorant first entered English in around 1320 as cormerant. It is ultimately from the Latin words for raven and sea[1] and is probably related to (or a variant of) scræf ('cormorant'). Compare with German Scharbe, Common Scandinavian skarv.
21.  ryðða: 'mastiff'. The word mastiff appeared in around 1387 and it is ultimately of Latin origin.[1]
22.  sisemūs: 'dormouse'. Dormouse (first attested in English in around 1425) is not a combination of door and mouse. Some lexicographers, including the editorial staff of the AHD, believe that it came from Anglo-Norman dormeus ('inclined to sleep', 'hiberating'), which is ultimately from Latin dormire ('to sleep').[1] The OED, citing the Dutch words slaep-ratte ('sleep rat') and slaep-muys ('sleep mouse'), acknowledges the possibility of this derivation, but also suggests that the first element is related to Old Norse dár ('benumbed').
23.  wōrhana, wildhænn: 'pheasant'. Pheasant appeared in English in 1299 (as fesaund) and is ultimately from Ancient Greek.[1]
24.  wyrm: 'serpent', 'snake', 'dragon', 'insect'. The OED lists all entries of wyrm/worm with this meaning as archaic. The latest citation that it gives with this meaning is from William Morris's book The Life and Death of Jason (1867). The modern sense of worm as goes back as far as 1000. Compare with Swedish orm, Nynorsk orm ('snake', 'serpent').
Body parts
1.      earsgang: 'anus'. Anus did not enter English until 1658 and was adopted directly from Latin, with no intermediary. The OED says that arse (the ears of earsgang is its etymon) is "obsolete in polite use". The AHD tags ass as "vulgar slang".[1] As late as 1704, Jonathan Swift wrote "after your Arse" in his book The Battle of the Books, which simply meant 'behind you'. (See setl, ūtgang.)
2.      feorhbold, feorhhold, feorhhus: 'body'. (See also: līc, līcfæt, līchoma.)
3.      hrēsel: 'radius (bone). The word radius is of Latin origin and its specific anatomical meaning was first used in English in 1615.
4.      līc: 'body','trunk'. Līc (which was at various times spelled like, lich, lych, lyche and lyke) is attested as far back as around 900 and the last citation given with this more general meaning is from around 1400. However, the last citation with the meaning of 'corpse' is from 1895. The word now survives only in obscure compounds such as lych-gate,[1] lych-owl (so called because its screeching was thought by some to portend death) and lyke-wake (the watch kept over a dead body at night). The word is etymologically related to like, so its original meaning is thought to be 'form', 'shape'.[1] (See also: feorhbold, feorhhold, feorhhus, līcfæt, līchoma.) Compare with the following words in other languages for 'corpse': German Leiche, Dutch lijk, Swedish lik, Norwegian lik and Danish lig.
5.      līcfæt, līchoma: 'body'. (See also: feorhbold, feorhhold, feorhhus, līc.) Compare with German Leichnam ('corpse'), Dutch lichaam, Swedish lekamen, Nynorsk lekam and Danish legeme.
6.      lið: 'joint', 'limb'. Lið (later spelled lith) is attested as early as around 900 and the latest citation in the OED is 1872. The OED considers all modern occurrences to be archaic or dialectic. The word limb, also of Germanic origin, has come to replace lið. Compare with German Glied, Dutch lid, Swedish led, Danish led and Norwegian ledd.
7.      midhriðre: 'diaphragm'.
8.      nebb: 'face'. The OED gives the modern definitions of the Scottish, Irish English, Northern English for neb, such as 'bird's beak' and 'an animal's nose', but the last citation given with the meaning 'a person's face' is from 1525. (See also: ondwlita, onsīen.) Compare English ness ('promontory'), Dutch neb ('beak').
9.      ōcusta, ōxn: 'armpit'. Armpit first appeared in English as arme-pytt in around 1400. It is probably related to such English words as axis and axle and the Latin axilla, from PIE *aks-, or similar. It has survived as the English dialectal oxter ('armpit', 'arm'). Compare with Dutch oksel.
10.  ondwlita: 'face'. (See also: nebb, onsīen.) Compare with German Antlitz, Swedish anlete.
11.  onsīen: 'face' (See also: nebb, ondwlita.) Compare with German Angesicht, Dutch aangezicht.
12.  ōxn: 'armpit'. (See also: ōcusta.)
13.  setl: 'anus'. (See also: earsgang, ūtgang.)
14.  teors: 'penis'. (See also: wæpen.) Penis, which did not enter English until 1578, was borrowed directly from Latin.
15.  ūtgang: 'anus'. Literally 'exit', 'out-path', (See also: earsgang, setl.) Compare German Ausgang, Dutch uitgang ('exit').
16.  wæpen: 'penis'. (See also: teors.)
17.  wiðobān: 'collarbone'.
Colours
1.      æppelfealu: 'orange'. Literally 'apple-pale'. (See also: geolurēad.)
2.      basurēadan: 'purple'. Literally 'purple-red'. (See also: weolucbasu.)
3.      geolurēad: 'orange'. Literally 'yellow-red'. (See also: æppelfealu.)
4.      weolucbasu: 'purple'. Literally 'whelk-purple'. (See also: basurēadan.)
Other words
1.      andwurde, andwyrde: 'to answer'. A combination of the prefix and- ('against', related to Greek anti-) and wurde ('word'). By the end of the 12th century, andwurde had been replaced by andswerian ('answer'), (containing swear, probably Common Germanic, attested at least before 900). Compare with German Antwort, Dutch antwoord.
2.      æðele: 'noble'; also æðelu: 'noble descent'; æðeling: 'hero' and ēðel: 'native land', 'home'. Once very common words with many extant compounds, these words exists in Modern English only in the Germanic loanwords edelweiss[1] and Adelaide. The Latin-derived terms noble and gentle (in its original English meaning of 'noble') both appeared in English around 1230. Compare with German edel, Dutch edel.
3.      ge-: a prefix used extensively in Old English, originally meaning 'with', but later gaining several other usages, such as being used grammatically for the perfect. It has only survived in the archaic gemot ('meeting', compare with Witenagemot) and yclept (with later form y-). It is also found in the rare German loanwords gemütlich and gemütlichkeit. Compare with German ge-, Dutch ge-.
4.      gerīm: 'number'. (See worn.)
5.      getæl: 'number'. A combination of the prefix ge- and tæl. Besides the phrase "to tell time",[4] it mainly survived in English with meanings related to speech ('tell', 'tale'). Meanings related to numbers can be found in several Germanic cognates. Compare with English teller, German Zahl, Dutch getal, Swedish and Danish tal and Norwegian tall. (See worn.)
6.      hæmed, liger: 'sex'.
7.      mid: 'with'. Mid was used in Old English in nearly all instances where 'with' is used in Modern English. It is attested in early Old English manuscripts. The latest use cited in the OED is 1547, but this late example is possibly an intentional archaism. By the end of the 14th century, mid had been superseded by with. If the beginning part of midwife is a reflex of this ancient preposition (and neither OED or AHD affirm this derivation),[1] it is the only trace of the with meaning left in Modern English. The word probably originally derived from an Indo-European root meaning 'middle' and is related to the English prefix mid- and Latin medium. It is likely to be related to Greek μετα ('meta', 'in the midst of', 'among', 'with', 'after'). Compare with German mit, Dutch met, Common Scandinavian med and Icelandic með.
8.      worn: 'number'. Number is derived from Latin numerus and it first appeared in English as noumbre in around 1300. The word appears to have come from a French term, but its use was no doubt reinforced by its presence in other Germanic languages.
9.      ymb(e): 'around', 'on both sides'. Ymbe was both a preposition and a prefix. The only Modern English word that derives directly from it is the little-used Ember days, a Christian event.[1] The Germanic loanwords ombudsman and umlaut come from the same Germanic root.[1] It is also related more distantly to Latin words starting with ambi- and Greek words starting with amphi-.[1] Compare with German um, Dutch om, Common Scandinavian om, but Icelandic um.
10.  wīġ: 'war', 'combat', 'martial power'. There were many words of this base in Old English: wīgan, ġewegan ('to fight'), wīġend ('warrior'). This group was used extensively in Old English poetry, due in part to the frequent alliterative need for a word starting with 'w'. It is from the same base as Latin vincere ('to conquer'). Other than the archaic, Old Norse-derived wight, this group of words is lost to Modern English.[1] Compare with Swedish envig ('holmgang').



















CHAPTER III
CONCLUSION

Based on explanation above, it can be concluded that language change is the phenomenon whereby phonetic, morphological, semantic, syntactic, and other features of language vary over time.



[2] Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
[4] http://www.bartleby.com/224/1503.html

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